Focus on strengthening BJP’s organisational structure as election preparations intensify

According to party sources, Shah will arrive in Kolkata on Friday night and will spend Saturday attending a series of organisational programmes rather than public rallies. His engagements will begin with a BJP workers’ conference at Barrackpore in South Bengal, followed by another workers’ meeting in North Bengal. He is also scheduled to attend a government programme of the Airports Authority of India (AAI) in Siliguri during the visit.

A senior state BJP leader said Shah will first attend a workers’ meeting at Barrackpore, after which he will fly to North Bengal. In Barrackpore, a workers’ conference has been organised at Anandapuri ground, where BJP workers from four organisational districts—Bongaon, Basirhat, Barasat and Barrackpore—have been invited. Shah is expected to reach the venue around 11.10 am. Following the programme, he will travel to Kolkata airport and then fly to Bagdogra, where a second workers’ conference will be held at the Air Force ground near the airport. He is scheduled to depart for Delhi from Bagdogra around 4.30 pm.

Former state BJP president and Union Minister Sukanta Majumdar confirmed the visit, stating that two crucial organisational meetings have been planned—one in Barasat and another in Siliguri. He emphasised that Shah’s visit is aimed at strengthening the party’s internal structure rather than holding public rallies or open political programmes. Party sources noted that this visit is focused squarely on organisational work, reflecting the BJP’s renewed efforts to consolidate its base in the state.

This will be Shah’s second visit to West Bengal within a month. He had earlier visited Kolkata on December 30 and 31 last year for a series of organisational and public engagements. BJP leaders acknowledge that the party has struggled to gain a firm foothold in the state and is now placing greater emphasis on grassroots-level coordination and planning.

According to state BJP leadership, Shah’s primary objective during this visit is to review organisational preparedness from the state level down to the mandal level, identify weak areas, and improve coordination among leaders and workers ahead of the elections. There is also a possibility of separate meetings with leaders at the state, district and mandal levels during his stay in Kolkata. Party insiders indicated that guidance on leadership roles, campaign strategy, messaging and organisational responsibilities may emerge from these discussions.

Sources further revealed that with the secondary examinations scheduled to begin on February 2, no major meetings or rallies can be organised during that period. As a result, completing the state visit within January is being seen by the BJP’s inner circle as a matter of “strategic timing”. North Bengal, in particular, is considered politically crucial for the party, and strengthening the organisational base in the region is expected to have a wider impact on the state’s electoral dynamics.

It is also acknowledged within the state BJP that differences and organisational inconsistencies have surfaced in some areas in recent months. One of Shah’s key goals during this visit is believed to be addressing and resolving these gaps before the election campaign formally begins. Sources indicated that discussions during the visit will focus on streamlining the organisation, reinforcing discipline, and ensuring direct engagement with party workers across districts.

Three days after BJP president Nitin Nabin’s visit to West Bengal, Shah’s arrival underscores the party’s heightened focus on the state. The visit signals a renewed push by the BJP leadership to energise its cadre, refine its strategy, and present a more cohesive organisational front as the countdown to the 2026 Assembly elections begins.

War of words escalates after enforcement agency raids, with sharp allegations, legal notices and counter-claims dominating the political discourse

Baby Chakraborty, KalimNews, Kolkata, January 10, 2026: The political landscape in West Bengal has entered a phase of heightened tension ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, with a growing cold war between rival camps now taking a dramatic turn following the Enforcement Directorate’s raid on the office of I-PAC, the political consultancy firm affiliated with the Trinamool Congress. The development has pushed the I-PAC–ED confrontation to the centre of political attention, sharply intensifying the atmosphere in the state.

The situation escalated after the ED conducted raids at the residence and office of Prateek Jain, head of I-PAC, triggering a fierce exchange of allegations and counter-allegations. In an unprecedented scene that drew national attention, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee was seen leaving the premises with files during the central agency’s operation. Addressing the issue publicly, the Chief Minister alleged that the raids were politically motivated and aimed at accessing her party’s election strategy and candidate list ahead of the polls.

In a strongly worded statement, Ms. Banerjee alleged irregularities linked to coal money and directly targeted senior BJP leaders. “They are talking about coal money. Who takes it? Amit Shah takes it. The money is given through a traitor. Jagannath is also involved — not the Jagannath of Puri, but Jagannath’s government. The money goes to Suvendu through him. Then that money goes to Amit Shah,” she said, making explosive claims that further inflamed the political atmosphere.

Reacting to these allegations, the lawyer representing Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari issued a legal letter demanding proof to substantiate the Chief Minister’s statements. The situation was further aggravated when Ms. Banerjee referred to Mr. Adhikari as an “adopted son”, a remark that his legal counsel described as insulting and objectionable. With legal notices now entering the fray, the political contest has clearly moved beyond rhetoric into a more confrontational phase.

Meanwhile, the Enforcement Directorate sought to clarify its position, stating that the raids were conducted strictly in connection with the coal scam investigation. According to the agency, coordinated searches were carried out at 10 locations across the country, including six in West Bengal and four in Delhi. The ED said its investigation had uncovered links to a hawala network, during which the name of I-PAC surfaced.

The agency claimed that a transaction amounting to ₹10 crore was routed through hawala channels via Indian Political Action Committee Private Limited. It further stated that the name of Prateek Jain had emerged in the statements of several accused persons connected to the case, prompting the raids as part of the ongoing probe.

As the political narrative continues to evolve, the episode has added a new dimension to the pre-election battle in West Bengal, intertwining investigative agencies, political strategists and top leadership in a high-stakes confrontation. Political observers and experts are closely watching how the situation unfolds and what impact it may have on the broader electoral dynamics in the run-up to the 2026 Assembly elections.

Taherpur rally witnesses unprecedented turnout, reflecting shifting political mood

A particularly striking aspect of the gathering was the strong presence of the Matua community, whose electoral support has traditionally been associated with the BJP. Matuas from Hanskhali and neighbouring areas made their presence felt from the very beginning of the programme, energising the crowd with the beating of traditional drums and chants of “Haribol”, lending a distinct cultural and political resonance to the rally.

Netaji Park in Taherpur, the venue of the meeting, was overflowing with people, while the surrounding streets were also packed with supporters. As Abhishek Banerjee arrived on the stage, the scale of the turnout became even more evident. It was not just Netaji Park but virtually the entire town of Taherpur that appeared to be awash with people, with the crowd reportedly extending well beyond the usual strength of Trinamool Congress workers.

Addressing the gathering from the stage, Debashis Ganguly, president of the Nadia South organisational district of the Trinamool Congress, highlighted the significance of the turnout. “We have set a record for the largest crowd at a public meeting in Taherpur,” he declared, underscoring the party’s confidence and the growing momentum witnessed at the rally.

The event was seen as a significant political moment in Nadia, with the scale of participation and the visible involvement of the Matua community adding to its broader political implications.

One of the most prominent points raised by Adhikari was the financial crisis faced by tea garden workers, particularly in the Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri districts. According to the opposition leader, workers in several tea gardens across the region have not received their salaries for the past four to five months. The gardens, which include well-known estates such as Madhu, Varnabari, Lankapara, Ramjhor, Chamurchi, Ambari, Devpara, Mogalkata, Red Bank, and Raipur, are either shut down or struggling to stay afloat due to severe financial issues. Adhikari strongly criticised the state’s Labour Department for its failure to address the salary arrears, demanding that the government immediately clear the backlog of unpaid wages.

Further accusing the Trinamool Congress-led government of putting the livelihoods of thousands of workers at risk, Adhikari claimed that the administration’s plan to allow commercial use of 15 to 30 percent of tea garden land would have catastrophic consequences for the tea industry. He warned that this move could undermine the industry’s future and place even more pressure on workers who are already struggling to make ends meet.

Turning his attention to the Forest Rights Act, a law passed in 2006, Adhikari lamented the lack of its implementation in West Bengal. The Act, which was designed to provide land rights and ownership to tea garden workers, has not been enforced in the state, according to the BJP leader. He went so far as to state that the law is effectively ignored in West Bengal, unlike the rest of the country, and that this failure deprives tea garden workers of their rightful land ownership and protections under the law. Adhikari also criticised the prevalent lease and tenancy system, which he claimed strips workers of their fair rights.

The issue of voter list amendments was another key concern raised by Adhikari. He highlighted the risk that many tea garden workers, particularly those in remote areas such as Darjeeling and North Bengal, might be excluded from the voter list due to the lack of essential documentation, such as birth or educational certificates. Citing a written appeal by Darjeeling MP Raju Vishara to the Election Commission, Adhikari called for the documents under the Forest Rights Act to be accepted as valid proof for voter registration to prevent the disenfranchisement of tea garden workers.

While Adhikari expressed support for the SIR process in principle, arguing that it is crucial for maintaining a transparent voter list, he also raised concerns about potential irregularities. He pointed out that between 2014 and 2024, the voter list in the state had increased by approximately 1.24 crore, which, he claimed, suggested a demographic shift. Moreover, he accused the ruling government of attempting to manipulate the voter list by adding fake names through fraudulent means, including the illegal issuance of domicile and birth certificates.

In the same breath, Adhikari also lashed out at the state’s administrative practices, alleging widespread irregularities in high-level appointments. He referred to a letter from the UPSC that highlighted violations of recruitment rules in top administrative appointments. According to Adhikari, the government was appointing junior officers to crucial positions, sidelining experienced officials, and enabling illegal activities by providing administrative protection to those involved.

Concluding the press conference, Adhikari made it clear that the BJP would take legal action if it found evidence of fake or deceased voters being added to the list. He expressed his party’s readiness to approach the Supreme Court if necessary, reaffirming that the issue of tea garden workers and their rights was not a matter of politics, but one of justice and fair treatment. He pledged to continue fighting for the protection of democratic rights and the rightful claims of tea garden workers.

Reports suggest that two locks have been placed on the main gate of the office by rival factions within the party, with neither group willing to back down. The inability to use the office has created operational difficulties for party workers, who are facing increasing hardship in carrying out their duties. Local Trinamool leaders claim that despite numerous attempts to bring the matter to the attention of senior party figures, no action has been taken to resolve the situation.

Purbasthali Uttar Assembly Constituency MLA Tapan Chatterjee and State Minister Swapan Debnath have reportedly been informed about the office’s closure multiple times. However, there has been no solution offered to date. Mrinal Kanti Sarkar, the Dogachia Region Trinamool President, publicly addressed the issue for the first time last Friday. He confirmed that the office had been locked for two and a half years due to factional disputes and expressed frustration at the lack of intervention from the district leadership. Sarkar suggested that only All India Youth Congress President Abhishek Banerjee could mediate and resolve the conflict.

A number of party workers, including booth presidents, have voiced their anger at the current state of affairs. They argue that the internal divisions have rendered the local Trinamool organisation virtually inactive. The situation is further compounded by claims that the conflict has severely hampered the party’s ability to function effectively in the region.

It is important to note that Dogachia Gram Panchayat is currently under the control of the Trinamool Congress, and the party’s victory in the constituency came with a significant majority in recent elections. However, the ongoing factionalism has sparked concerns about the party’s future in the area.

The local BJP leadership has weighed in on the matter, claiming that the conflict between the two Trinamool factions stems from disputes over the distribution of ‘cuts’ from development funds. These allegations point to the possibility of financial motives underlying the rift, further intensifying the political tension.

Abhishek Banerjee, who is expected to visit East Burdwan district in the coming weeks, may soon find himself at the centre of this growing dispute. Sources suggest that a faction of Trinamool workers from Dogachia is preparing to raise the issue of the locked party office during Banerjee’s visit, hoping for a resolution. As the situation unfolds, political circles are closely watching the developments, with both Trinamool and BJP leaders discussing the implications of this internal strife on the party’s influence in the region.

BJP state spokesperson Advocate Debjit Sarkar disclosed that the CAG report was filed in response to two Public Interest Litigations (PILs)—WPA(P) 316 of 2021 and WPA 375 of 2022—and sheds light on the scale of the embezzlement during the 2017 floods. The floods, which affected several blocks in Malda district, caused severe hardship for residents of Harishchandrapur 1 and 2, Ratua 1 and 2, and Chanchal. However, the report alleges that a section of local Trinamool Congress leaders, in collaboration with administration officials, misappropriated the funds that were meant for the relief of these very residents.

According to the CAG’s findings, a staggering amount of relief money was deposited into the bank accounts of 6,965 individuals, some of whom received payments multiple times—ranging from 2 to 42 withdrawals per person. A particularly striking example highlighted by the report was that of a Trinamool party worker from Harishchandrapur-2, who withdrew relief funds 42 times. The District Magistrate’s report, which stated that no pucca houses had been damaged, stands in direct contradiction to the CAG’s findings. The audit claims that approximately 7.5 crore rupees were embezzled under the false pretext of damage to property.

The CAG report further uncovered that 1.11 crore rupees were embezzled in Old Malda block, where there were no beneficiaries listed, and no records of ‘C Form’ documents, which were allegedly lost during office transfers. The report also notes that no police complaints were filed regarding the supposed loss of these documents.

In addition to the widespread fraud, the BJP also raised allegations that 108 influential Trinamool leaders and government officials unlawfully diverted more than 2.5 crore rupees in relief funds designated for Below Poverty Line (BPL) families. The report highlights that 6,605 individuals who were not on the BPL list were unlawfully given additional relief payments, amounting to a 7.3 percent increase in funds distributed.

Further discrepancies were revealed in the case of 83,874 individuals on the government’s relief list. The CAG found that for about 25,110 people, no inspection of damage had been carried out, yet relief was allocated in their names. Advocate Sarkar emphasized that these findings suggest systemic corruption in the way relief funds were distributed, with neither proper verification nor accountability.

Additionally, the BJP spokesperson pointed out that the state government has failed to submit utilization certificates for substantial amounts of central grants. According to the CAG report, the Panchayat and Rural Development Department still has dues of about 81,839 crore rupees, while the School Education Department owes approximately 36,850 crore rupees in unaccounted funds. These discrepancies, along with the violation of Article 204 of the Constitution—where substantial government expenditure occurred without the approval of the Legislative Assembly—further exacerbate the allegations of financial mismanagement.

Advocate Sarkar claimed that the corruption exposed in the CAG report is not limited to Malda alone, alleging that similar embezzlement occurred during other natural disasters such as Cyclone Amphan and Cyclone Bulbul. The BJP also accused the ruling Trinamool government of orchestrating a “drama” in some cases, where money was refunded after the CAG’s investigation began, using fake applications to cover up the fraud.

In conclusion, the BJP spokesperson stated that the CAG report has shattered the Trinamool Congress’s claims of transparency and integrity. He called for accountability, urging that those responsible for financially harming the state and depriving the common people of their rightful relief should answer to the public. He further declared that the 2026 assembly elections would serve as a decisive democratic battle for the people of Bengal against the alleged corruption, and the BJP is committed to leading this fight for a cleaner, more transparent governance.

Trinamool leader suggests wider conspiracy as inquiry ordered into stadium incident

Referring to what he described as the “strange politics of Bengal”, Ghosh remarked that everything—from religion to sports—is increasingly being drawn into political controversy. He cited the ongoing public discussion over why Kolkata failed to host a warm welcome for football icon Lionel Messi while Hyderabad managed to do so, a comparison that has continued to fuel criticism and questions. At the same time, concerns have been raised over the selective nature of police action following the incident, with questions being asked as to why only one individual, Shatadru, was arrested, while no action was taken against the state’s Sports Minister.

Taking the issue further, Ghosh went beyond the state’s borders and pointed directly at the national capital. He called for an investigation into whether the private organiser of the event had any links with what he termed “conspirators in Delhi” who, he suggested, might have sought to deliberately damage Kolkata’s reputation. He reiterated that, immediately after the incident at Yuva Bharati on Saturday, he had raised concerns about the presence of saffron flags inside the stadium and had strongly criticised the Bharatiya Janata Party in this context.

Following the incident, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee announced the formation of an inquiry committee headed by a retired judge. Referring to this decision, Ghosh said that the Chief Minister had taken all necessary steps and that, in view of the inquiry, he would refrain from making detailed comments on the incident itself. However, he added that it was important for the probe to also examine whether the private organiser had been required to coordinate with BJP-ruled states or any entities linked to the central government in order to conduct the event.

Ghosh went a step further by questioning whether there had been a larger, externally orchestrated conspiracy aimed at maligning Kolkata. He said there was ample scope for investigators to examine whether the organiser maintained any connection with individuals or groups based in Delhi who may have played a role in the controversy.

Meanwhile, sections of the public have reacted critically to Ghosh’s remarks, observing that politics continues to dominate the discourse around the incident. Many citizens have argued that unless the issue is discussed with an open mind and without political overtones, the true root cause of the problem will remain unresolved.

Baby Chakraborty, KalimNews,December 9, 2025, Kolkata : In a clear message of unity within the Trinamool Congress (TMC), West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee intervened in the ongoing factional conflict in North Bengal, urging party leaders to come together for the larger good of the party. The conflict, which has escalated in Cooch Behar, has pitted prominent leaders Rabindranath Ghosh, Udayan Guha, and Abhijit De Bhowmik against each other, causing considerable tension in the district.

The situation reached a boiling point ahead of the Chief Minister’s visit to Cooch Behar, where she took decisive steps to address the rift. Mamata, who is known for her strong leadership within the party, arrived in the district to conduct an administrative meeting at Rabindra Bhavan. However, her visit took on added significance when she made a pointed effort to address the internal discord.

Sources close to the Chief Minister revealed that, after the meeting, Mamata Banerjee personally called Rabindranath Ghosh and Banshibadan Barman outside the meeting venue, engaging with Ghosh for approximately eight minutes. Following this, she spoke with other party leaders, and her visit continued with a visit to the Madanmohan Temple, where she took part in a religious ceremony.

The most telling moment came after her temple visit, when party district president Abhijit De Bhowmik, commonly known as Hippy, invited the Chief Minister to the district party office for tea. In response, Mamata gave Abhijit a clear directive: to take Rabindranath Ghosh to the party office and serve him tea. This gesture, though seemingly simple, was laden with political implications. It was a subtle yet powerful message that the party must unite, irrespective of personal differences or factional rivalries.

Minister Udayan Guha, whose comments were also closely watched by the political community, added fuel to the unity narrative. After leaving the temple, Guha remarked that the Trinamool Congress now had “a big house,” suggesting that the party must work together to make it stronger. His words appeared to echo the sentiment of Mamata Banerjee’s message: that the party must remain united under one roof, setting aside internal conflicts for the sake of a common goal.

Rabindranath Ghosh, speaking after the event, confirmed that the Chief Minister had given him several pieces of advice during their private conversation. He added that during their interaction, Mamata emphasized the importance of party unity and mutual respect among leaders. Ghosh also noted that Abhijit De Bhowmik had personally requested the Chief Minister to visit the district party office for tea, an invitation that Mamata seemed to endorse with her suggestion to bring Ghosh along.

The intervention by Mamata Banerjee comes at a critical time for the TMC, as the factional conflict in Cooch Behar risks creating divisions within the party ahead of future elections. While it remains to be seen whether the Chief Minister’s efforts will bridge the divide between Rabindranath Ghosh, Abhijit De Bhowmik, and other leaders, the message of unity is clear: the party must set aside personal grievances for the greater good of its collective strength and political future.

As Mamata Banerjee concludes her visit to Cooch Behar, all eyes will be on the district’s political landscape to see if the tensions between the leaders ease or if the divide persists. The coming days will reveal whether the Chief Minister’s intervention will have a lasting impact on the dynamics of Trinamool Congress in North Bengal.

Confusion over verification procedures and competing political claims leave thousands anxious about their citizenship status and voting rights.

Baby Chakraborty, KalimNews,November 28, 2025, Kolkata :  The political environment in West Bengal has entered a tense and uncertain phase for the Matua community, following recent moves by the Election Commission of India (ECI). What was intended as an administrative exercise has turned into a politically charged storm, leaving the sizeable Matua electorate in districts such as Bangaon and Thakurnagar deeply anxious and directionless.

The Matuas, a Hindu community that migrated to India from Bangladesh after facing religious persecution, possess standard Indian identification documents—ration cards, PAN cards, Aadhaar cards and voter identity cards. However, the introduction of a new verification procedure under the Standard Operating Protocol for Special Summary Revision (widely referred to as SIR in political discourse) has caused widespread confusion. According to community members, merely having their names on the voter list is no longer sufficient; they are being asked to submit fresh proof of eligibility. Those unable to comply fear being pushed toward applying for citizenship under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), a process for which many lack the required documentation.

This uncertainty has generated an atmosphere of fear among the Matuas. Political parties have stepped into the vacuum, each attempting to shape the narrative for electoral advantage. Sections of the opposition accuse the verification process of threatening voting rights and stirring insecurity among refugees, with claims that individuals could be sent to detention centres. Meanwhile, others argue that citizenship under the CAA offers a pathway to securing rights, including voting privileges, although this assertion remains a point of political contention.

The ruling Trinamool Congress has consistently opposed the verification process, arguing that it disproportionately affects Hindu refugees from Bangladesh and risks creating fresh bureaucratic obstacles for long-settled communities. Against this backdrop, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee recently visited Thakurnagar, the cultural heartland of the Matua community, to reassure residents. Addressing a public gathering, she urged the community not to apply for citizenship under the CAA, reasoning that doing so would imply they are not yet citizens of India and could jeopardise their legal status. Her visit was widely interpreted as an attempt to consolidate support among the Matua electorate.

On the other hand, the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has long sought to court the Matua community, has intensified outreach efforts following the introduction of the verification process. Local BJP units have organised CAA facilitation camps, asserting that refugees will first receive citizenship and that their names will subsequently be secured in the voter rolls through proper procedures.

Caught between competing political claims and procedural uncertainty, members of the Matua community say they feel adrift. With neither side providing clarity that resolves their immediate fears, and with many lacking the documents required to navigate the new system, anxiety is rising as elections draw closer.

The unfolding situation underscores how administrative reforms can intersect sharply with political strategies, leaving vulnerable communities struggling to understand their rights and future in an environment of competing narratives.

Chatterjee, who was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in July 2022 in connection with the high-profile school-job scam, remains suspended from the TMC. This has raised questions about his seating arrangements and role in the Assembly. Traditionally, Chatterjee had been allotted a seat next to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in the Assembly, a position now unavailable to him due to his suspension. Sources within the Assembly suggested that he may be seated next to ISF MLA Naushad Siddiqui, though a final decision on his seating arrangement has yet to be confirmed.

Political observers have been quick to speculate whether Chatterjee’s re-entry into the legislative session signifies a shift in the political dynamics of West Bengal. “Will his return suggest a new political alignment or faction within the Assembly?” said one source. Opposition leaders have also raised questions about his status in the Assembly, given his suspended status in the ruling party. They questioned whether he would receive any special treatment or be treated as an ordinary legislator.

Despite these questions, Speaker Biman Bandopadhyay clarified on Wednesday that Chatterjee remains a legitimate member of the legislature. “He is still a legislator, and if he wishes to attend the winter session, arrangements will be made for him,” Bandopadhyay stated. He further emphasised that Chatterjee would not be afforded any special privileges, unlike his past experience as a high-ranking minister. “He will be treated just like any other MLA in the Assembly,” Bandopadhyay added, noting that no separate room would be provided to Chatterjee within the Assembly premises.

As an independent legislator, Chatterjee’s new seat will be placed neither among the Treasury Benches nor in the Opposition area, as is customary for lawmakers not aligned with the ruling party. “He will be seated in a neutral zone, between the Treasury and Opposition Benches,” said Assembly insiders. His participation in the session will follow the same rules as any other MLA, including the right to speak during debates and raise issues.

Chatterjee, in his own comments, reaffirmed his intention to attend the session, stating that he had long wanted the opportunity to speak but had been unheard for the past three and a half years. “It doesn’t matter if I attend the session now or not. For the past three and a half years, I wanted to speak, but nobody listened,” he remarked, reflecting on his political isolation.

The upcoming winter session of the Assembly, scheduled to begin later this month, will see Chatterjee return to a legislature that has undergone significant changes since his last involvement. His return, despite his suspension from the TMC, is likely to stir further discussions on the evolving political landscape of West Bengal, with potential ramifications for both the ruling party and the opposition.

The political corridors of Kolkata are already buzzing with rumours about how Chatterjee’s re-emergence will play out in the Assembly. The former education minister’s presence, after a prolonged absence, has once again become the focal point of both political intrigue and media attention.

While Chatterjee’s exact role in the session remains unclear, one thing is sure: his return is likely to add a new dimension to the already complex political scenario in the state.

The conflict between the two influential figures traces back to a disagreement over the foundation day of the student council, an event organized by Calcutta University. Shanta Dutta, who serves as the university’s acting Vice Chancellor, did not comply with Bratya Basu’s directives regarding the event, which led to growing tensions between them. Since that time, Dutta has been increasingly critical of the Education Minister, and the discord reached a boiling point when, on Saturday, Bratya Basu, the Trinamool Congress MLA from Dumdum, mocked Dutta by likening her to a crow and a peacock. These comments were seen as an attempt to belittle Dutta, perhaps in retaliation for her refusal to follow his instructions.

In response, Shanta Dutta took to a private news channel where she accused Bratya Basu of using his political power to undermine academic authority. She also recalled an incident involving Bratya Basu earlier this year at Jadavpur University, which she felt was pertinent to the current conflict.

The incident, which occurred in March 2023, was a flashpoint for widespread protests against the state government and its handling of education. Bratya Basu was accused of running over a student named Indranuj Roy during a protest at the university. The protests stemmed from deep-rooted dissatisfaction among students with the state’s educational policies and ministerial actions. Bratya Basu himself was injured during the episode, but many viewed his actions as reckless. Dutta pointed to this episode to question Basu’s leadership and draw attention to what she perceived as his failure to take responsibility for the consequences of his actions.

Dutta also took this opportunity to address the recent controversy surrounding examinations at Calcutta University. She explained that decisions regarding exams were made by the university’s syndicate, not by her alone. She expressed frustration that she was being personally attacked for a decision that involved multiple stakeholders. In her statement, Dutta clarified, “I am not acting alone in these matters. The decisions are collective, made by the syndicate, and yet, I am being unfairly targeted.”

Drawing parallels with the incident at Jadavpur University, Dutta recounted how, during that protest, students had barricaded her car for over six hours, leading to an incredibly tense standoff. She further detailed how one student had even climbed onto the bonnet of her car, disrupting the situation, and abusing her with offensive language. Despite this, Dutta emphasized that she did not instruct her driver to run over the student, calling attention to the fact that the protests were out of her control. However, her remarks made it clear that she felt the government had failed to address the root causes of such protests and had not taken action against those responsible for the escalation of violence.

Dutta’s comments regarding the handling of student protests were pointed. She criticized the government’s inability to curb the disruptive actions of protesting students and referenced the court’s order which had explicitly banned outsiders from entering the university premises. However, Dutta claimed that the students flouted this order by tearing the notice and even setting it on fire, an act she compared to “Muhammad bin Tughlaqi acts”—a historical reference used in Bengal to criticize policies perceived as despotic or irrational. Despite these acts of defiance, Dutta lamented that the government did nothing to hold these students accountable.

As the war of words continued, the issue also touched upon Abhirup Chakraborty, the General Secretary of the Trinamool Student Union (TMC), who had made pointed remarks regarding the exam issue. Dutta responded by announcing that Chakraborty would be banned from the university for five years, preventing him from registering for any higher education courses, such as MPhil or PhD, and blocking his application for any employment opportunities at Calcutta University. This measure was seen as a direct response to his provocative statements, as well as a message to student leaders who attempt to influence university policies through political means.

Dutta’s critique was not limited to student leaders; she also expressed her disappointment in the lack of action taken against Chakraborty by his own party leadership. In a sharply worded comment, she stated, “Had I seen any criticism or punishment from the party for his offensive remarks, I would have respected the action. But the days passed without any such response.”

Dutta also turned her attention to Bratya Basu’s behavior, particularly his media comments about the autonomy of the Vice Chancellor. The Education Minister had accused her of being too reliant on government directives, claiming that if the Vice Chancellor of a university were to act merely as a puppet of the government, it would be detrimental to the institutional autonomy of the university. In response, Dutta expressed her surprise at the Education Minister’s aggressive tone and lamented the “downfall of his standards”. She went so far as to suggest that if the party did not take action against him, the responsibility to address his misconduct would fall to the academic institutions, implying that someone had to step up to restore order.

In conclusion, the conflict between Shanta Dutta and Bratya Basu seems far from resolution. Academic freedom and institutional autonomy have become major points of contention as both parties continue to make their cases in public. The issue now extends beyond just a disagreement over university policies to a larger debate over the relationship between political forces and educational institutions. The question remains: will academic institutions like Calcutta University be able to maintain their independence from the heavy hand of politics, or will this struggle for power redefine the future of education in West Bengal?

The situation has raised serious questions about academic freedom and the role of political figures in shaping the education system, with many watching closely to see how these tensions will unfold in the coming months.